Social Development

Yesterday' rather simplistic post, where I finished by saying that a restribution of wealth just won't happen, begs some argument that at least attempts to show why it won't happen.
Socialism with Chinese characteristics was first expounded by Deng Xiaoping n 1979 and on an ideological level it would appear that he actually believed China could transform itself and catch up with the developed world and that once developed it would undergo a transition to a truely socialist society. However, I would argue that there will be no peaceful transition to that socialist society envisaged by Deng Xiaoping during the 3rd plenary session of the Chinese Communist Party’s 11th Central Committee in 1979. Indeed, when any real attempt is made to bring about the fundamental redistribution of wealth necessary for that transition that is when the real class struggle will begin. Once more I am forced to think about the condondrum that Rousseau's 'Emile" and "Du Contrat Social' confront us with. The perfect being, Emile, is produced by a superior educational system and it would appear that we need a society of Emiles for the general will to express itself in the form of the social contract. Unfortunately, it would also appear that we need the social contract for the said educational system to be in place. China is a very long way away from being a society of Emiles. Moreover, party cadre are part of that broader burgeoning economic elite that has been created by the economic reforms. Are they, being as they are, going to walk away from their privilege and consent to a levelling of society? The above, however, is only a part of the problem and it is, of course, stupid to believe that there can be indefinite growth in a world of finite resources. The environment in particular is already beginning to feel the strains, conflicts because of natural resources are unavoidable and the gap between rich and poor is increasing day by day. Furthermore, while it is true that almost everyone in China is better off than they were in 1979, this is relative. The vast majority of Chinese still don't have access to those things that for people in Western Europe are deemed essential and with the upheavels that come with the economic reforms people are being uprooted from their traditional way of life; increasingly alienated and invariably angry, how long will they stay quiet?
The hope for China is not in its adherence to the absurdity that in a world of finite resources the economy can develop indefinitely and that once sufficiently developed there can be a redistribution of wealth. In the real world this just doesn't happen and, if it does happen, it doesnt happen without a class struggle. Nevertheless, I would have to accept that, in 1979, there was nowhere else for China to go. What China is now doing is making the transition not to a socialist society but to a bourgeioise capitalist society. Marx's history of class struggle continues and while we don't have societies that are made up of 'Emiles' there are, here and there, enlightened people, who can, perhaps point the way and who might operate against there own class interests in doing so. It is they who may, just may, bring us a little further down the road we need to go down. This, however, will not happen without a struggle and time is not on our side.